Real Worries for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh : CAN THE BJP COME TO POWER?

leadCome, let us also cheer Narendra Modi. Because Narendra Modi’s rallies are being held all over the country. The crowds too are coming and it is being believed that it will be Narendra Modi who will become the next Prime Minister. In this ‘coronation’ of Narendra Modi, if anybody is giving maximum gloss to his image, it is the media in India. When we say media, television news channels come first and a few newspapers come after that. It was Narendra Modi’s smartness that he began making preparations three years ago to establish himself in the form of the Prime Minister of the country. All of Gujarat’s festivals – whether it be the festival of the Rann of Kutch or whether it be an international kite competition, were all part of the planning to establish Narendra Modi’s name amongst the people of the country. Narendra Modi played a masterstroke by making Amitabh Bachchan the brand ambassador of Gujarat Tourism.
How much Amitabh Bachchan was paid as ‘fees’ is not known, but Amitabh Bachchan’s face suddenly established Narendra Modi as the most talked about person in the country and compelled the people of the country to think that if this person could induce Amitabh Bachchan to come to Gujarat, what could this person not do for the country.
When Narendra Modi met the Sarsanghchalak (chief) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Mohan Bhagwat, he said just one thing  if you give me a free hand, I can show you by becoming the Prime Minister of the country. Mohan Bhagwat thought about all the other personalities and finally reached the conclusion that Narendra Modi’s face was indeed the best. Before this, Narendra Modi had encircled the Sangh in its confines and because of this Mohan Bhagwat wanted to restore the damaged prestige of the Sangh. Through Narendra Modi, he wanted to teach a lesson to Lal Krishna Advani, Jaswant Singh, Yashwant Sinha and all those above seventy years of age.
Actually, Lal Krishna Advani was the
seniormost in the Sangh and in the BJP. Therefore, nobody from the Sangh could go and speak overmuch with Advaniji. On his part, Advaniji too did not give much preference or weightage to many people from the Sangh because he knew that all these people had come into the Sangh before his very eyes and they had no knowledge of the internal equations in politics. Therefore, when Narendra Modi voiced his desire to Mohan Bhagwat that he should be given free rein or a free hand, Mohan Bhagwat made the decision, and the first victim was Sanjay Joshi at the Mumbai session.

A big problem before the Bharatiya Janata Party is the emergence in Delhi of the Aam Aadmi Party. The Bharatiya Janata Party wants to see Arvind Kejriwal unsuccessful at any cost. It seems to it that the Third Front will not be formed, but perhaps in the future, i.e. four months later when the Lok Sabha elections are to be held, Arvind Kejriwal could become a centre for anti-BJP forces. They also fear that if Arvind Kejriwal makes good his promises on electricity and water and regularising illegal colonies in Delhi, then a problem could arise for the Bharatiya Janata Party in the entire country.

Sanjay Joshi has been amongst the people in the Bharatiya Janata Party in whom workers have had immense, unlimited faith. Sanjay Joshi was removed from the BJP on allegations about a seamy CD. Later on, it was proved that it was a fake CD and it seemed that Sanjay Joshi would once again reach a top spot in the Sangh and the Bharatiya Janata Party. But the fact remains that the agreement between Mohan Bhagwat and Narendra Modi took Sanjay Joshi as the first ‘sacrifice’. After this, whatever changes were made in the organisation of the Bharatiya Janata Party were according to Narendra Modi’s desires. Nitin Gadkari became Narendra Modi’s second victim.
In fact, Rajnath Singh becoming President of the Bharatiya Janata Party was also the result of Narendra Modi’s desire. Narendra Modi gave Amit Shah the responsibility of Uttar Pradesh and as his most trusted person, brought him out of Gujarat and into the central politics of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Narendra Modi gave Amit Shah the responsibility for Uttar Pradesh because he felt that any of the leaders of Uttar Pradesh could deceive him. He brought his most trusted person to Uttar Pradesh also because he wanted to search for such candidates whose first allegiance would be to Narendra Modi and not the Sangh or to the BJP.
After this Narendra Modi held a plethora of meetings in the country. The Chief Minister of Bihar, Nitish Kumar, says that the angle from which the photographs were taken shows that Patna’s Gandhi Maidan for a Modi rally was full of people. But he says he has such photographs which prove that the Gandhi Maidan was only a little over half full, and not completely full of people. Narendra Modi is an efficient organiser and he got himself grandly announced as the prospective Prime Minister of India. Narendra Modi is accustomed to holding each and every meeting in a grand manner. How much money was being spent on rallies in the States, from where people were coming, how they were coming, who was bringing them, all these questions went into the shadows.
Narendra Modi and his ‘soldiers’ created the atmosphere that the crowds which were there were the ultimate and these crowds wanted to make just Narendra Modi the Prime Minister. In the country too such an atmosphere was created

that if any Prime Minister were to be chosen according to the way the wind was blowing, nobody could stand before Narendra Modi. It appears that Narendra Modi has become the Prime Minister of India today itself — if we put on the spectacles of the BJP’s publicity and propaganda machinery on our eyes.
Meanwhile, the time arrived for assembly elections in Delhi. In the Delhi elections, Narendra Modi put in considerable strength and the party organised meetings for him in such places where it was felt that the Bharatiya Janata Party was weak. Narendra Modi held meetings in Rajasthan and in Chattisgarh too, and he even went to Madhya Pradesh. The results of these elections came and if somebody’s eyes opened first after the results came in, it was those of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
In the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which we know better as the RSS or the Sangh, people began discussions amongst each other, deliberations commenced, and after analysis the Sangh admitted that there was no Modi wave in the country. The Sangh did not hide its apprehensions and in fact called some senior leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party and revealed to them that they did not think Narendra Modi alone could, as the Prime Ministerial candidate, be effective in bringing in seats for the party. And in the analysis which the Sangh gave to the BJP people, the bottomline was that in Chhattisgarh, even after his rallies, a two-thirds majority was not obtained, and even for a simple majority the BJP had to put in desperate efforts.
In respect of Madhya Pradesh the Sangh believes that because of the in-fighting in the Congress it was not ever able to come into the fray. The victory there was a victory of Shivraj Singh’s face and his work. The Sangh also kept in mind the fact that the Congress Party was not only fighting amongst itself, but also that the candidates for the post of the Congress Party Chief Minister spent the day in meetings and at night went back to Delhi to sleep. The Sangh had this publicised by its workers in Madhya Pradesh.
In Madhya Pradesh, the in-fighting and quarrelling amongst the Congress was so extreme that at one place the Chief Ministerial candidate, Jyotiraditya Scindia, in his desire to hold a press conference alone, made Digvijay Singh stand outside the door. Digvijay kept knocking on the door, but Scindia did not allow the door to be opened from inside. The Sangh feels that the Congress defeat in Rajasthan was a defeat of Ashok Gehlot’s foolishness and Vasundhara’s victory was also a victory that resulted from Ashok Gehlot foolishness, otherwise nobody had ever got such a big majority in Rajasthan. The Congress was reduced to the worst score in its existence.
Delhi helped the most in making the Sangh reach certain conclusions. The Bharatiya Janata Party stopped in Delhi at 31 seats. The Sangh believes that if there had been a Modi miracle or a Modi wave, the Bharatiya Janata Party would have won a two thirds majority in Delhi, but here they did not even achieve even a simple majority. So much so that even independent candidates who contested, cut the votes of the Bharatiya Janata Party, not of the Congress. It is a different matter that leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party claim that seven or eight of its members within the ranks of the Aam Aadmi Party have reached the Vidhan Sabha.
The Sangh, along with Narendra Modi, immediately began opportuning Advaniji, because Mohan Bhagwat’s statement that Advaniji should not distance himself from the Bharatiya Janata Party is not just for face value. If Mohan Bhagwat had so desired, he could have made this statement sitting in a room alone with four friends. But he chose a public platform or forum and indicated to people in the Bharatiya Janata Party that if Narendra Modi could not bring in 272 seats, then Advaniji could be made the Prime Minister. The Sangh had not been prepared for tickets to be given to those more than 75 years of age and it had sent a clear message to Lal Krishna Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Jaswant Singh that this time they would not get a ticket. Yashwant Sinha and Shatrughan Sinha were also included in the same category that would not be getting tickets. But suddenly the Sangh changed its decision and news was leaked that Jaswant Singh would be contesting from Rajasthan and Advaniji would be contesting from Gujarat.
It is also the assessment of the Sangh that Modi will succeed in bringing in 80 to 100 seats, which could come from Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Where the remaining seats will come from, the Sangh is cudgeling its head. That is why the Sangh has started searching for allies for the future. But this time the Sangh has doubts on and fears that its once most reliable ally, the Janata Dal United will not ally with them. On the basis of principles, Sharad Yadav and Nitish Kumar have taken the decision that they will not turn towards the Bharatiya Janata Party but will form a centre of new politics in the country. The General Secretary of the Janata Dal United, KC Tyagi has been saying in discussions everywhere that there is now no path before the JDU of going towards either the Congress or the BJP. There is only one path before it –that a non-BJP and non-Congress Government be formed in Delhi.
A big problem before the Bharatiya Janata Party is the emergence in Delhi of the Aam Aadmi Party. The Bharatiya Janata Party wants to see Arvind Kejriwal unsuccessful at any cost. It seems to it that the Third Front will not be formed, but perhaps in the future, i.e. four months later when the Lok Sabha elections are to be held, Arvind Kejriwal could become a centre for anti-BJP forces. They also fear that if Arvind Kejriwal makes good his promises on electricity and water and regularising illegal colonies in Delhi, then a problem could arise for the Bharatiya Janata Party in the entire country.
The Sangh is also worried that if, on the one hand, in the event of the Bharatiya Janata Party not securing 272 and Narendra Modi not becoming the Prime Minister, on the other hand even if the BJP gets 200 seats, Nitish Kumar and Mamata Banerjee can stand in the way of someone from the BJP becoming The Prime Minister. The possibility of these two Chief Ministers joining up in the future appears to be likely and these two can get together and strengthen the possibility of a non-Congress and non-BJP Government. Both these persons are such that they will not fight for the post of Prime Minister and if the time comes, they could also make a third person the Prime Minister.
In fact, both these Chief Ministers believe that the economic policies of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress are the same and neither lags behind the other in promoting unemployment, inflation and corruption in the country. Both the parties do not want development, but instead want to hollow out the economy of the country.
Both the Chief Ministers have started advocating a village-based economic policy. Strengthening villages, the Right to Recall, the Right to Reject, an agro-based industries network, planning anew for a fresh infrastructure, etc. are subjects on which the opinions of both the Chief Ministers are the same. And the Sangh’s biggest worry is Anna Hazare. If perchance Anna Hazare supports this new thinking, power could slip out of the hands of the BJP. The BJP or the Sangh are just not worried about the Congress, because they are seeing that the Congress has not learnt any lessons from its defeat Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. They are worried only about Mamata Banerjee and Nitish Kumar, and their biggest worry is Anna Hazare. Therefore, at this time the Sangh has ‘assigned’ all its ‘sources’ to Anna Hazare, so that they can explain to him that if the BJP comes to power, it will fulfill a large number of Anna Hazare’s demands. The BJP talks of strengthening Gram Sabhas, but it does not talk of formulating a village based economic policy.
The month of January and the first half February could see new political ‘flowers’ blossoming in the country, at the root of which a big reason will be the great enthusiasm of Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party. Let us see how much of the Sangh’s assessment and how many of their fears are proved true in the future.

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